Politics

Trump as the 47th President of the USA: Implications for Pakistan’s Foreign Policy

In an age of rapid technological advancement and shifting global allegiances, Donald Trump’s return to the U.S. presidency is less about one leader’s vision and more about the unfolding evolution of international politics. For Pakistan, this moment presents a diplomatic challenge and a more profound question: How does a nation-state remain relevant in a world increasingly shaped by superpowers, transnational corporations, and artificial intelligence? Trump’s re-election marks another chapter in an era where immediate gains overshadow traditional alliances, economic independence is elusive, and technological dominion is central. As Donald Trump resumes office as the 47th President of the United States, Pakistan faces a pivotal moment in redefining its foreign policy. For Pakistan, the challenge is navigating the immediate demands of a second Trump administration and preparing for a future where traditional power structures may give way to networks and technologies beyond borders. This article explores how Pakistan might adapt to this new reality, moving beyond transactional diplomacy toward a strategic, forward-thinking foreign policy.

Navigating Superpower Rivalries and Preserving Sovereignty

One of the implications for Pakistan’s foreign policy is that the Trump’s presidency will put Pakistan directly in the middle of a competition between the biggest superpowers in the world, the United States and China. As against conventional past alliances, today’s ties with the U.S. or with China manifest not just common economic and technological interests but also dependencies which might undermine national autonomy. For Pakistan, the task is to exercise sovereignty in this polarized world where economic choices dictate political affiliations. Historically, sovereignty is defined as control over borders, resources, and policies. However, today a true sovereignty includes sufficient control over technology and data, as nations have been sucked into the reach of superpowers through technological dependence. Pakistan may find a nurtured form of sovereignty, retaining feud ties with the U.S. and China, but it is also keen to show the restraint where foreign influence is concerned. Actively fostering partnering with other global and regional actors will enable Pakistan to avoid becoming a tool in the mighty U.S.-China rivalry, further consolidating Pakistan’s independent role on the international stage.

Data Sovereignty Under Pressure from U.S.-China Tensions

Similarly, technological rivalry has shifted from iconic industrial mega corporations to data oriented, surveillance and artificial intelligence, rendering data control part of sovereignty. Trump’s administration is expected to ramp up the pressure on China’s technology, especially in telecommunications and artificial intelligence. Pakistan is increasing its links with China through the CPEC and other related projects, which might force Pakistan to clarify its direction and choose a side. Therefore, data sovereignty will be equally crucial for Pakistan in controlling its destiny and owning data in the digital realm. As an alternative to fully committing to the U.S. or Chinese technological formations, Pakistan could attempt to create a ”digital no man’s land.” This includes establishing Indigenous tech norms and practical policies safeguarding the country’s data resources. This approach can safeguard Pakistan’s sovereignty and may place it as a distinctive actor within the digital sphere of South Asia, which other countries wishing to avoid the control of both the U.S. and China may turn to for investments.

Decentralized Alliances: A New Path for Pakistan’s Influence

Additionally, while Trump’s old-fashioned bullying has a place for negotiation, it extensively utilizes an interested party’s short-term, goal-oriented pragmatic approach more than loyal strategic partnerships. Such a state of affairs may indicate a new world order whereby the nation-state mobilizes influence on a new Web of relations focused on particular problems. For Pakistan, this may be the moment when it cannot dream of being a junior partner of a superpower but of a leader of formations that tackle multilateral problems in the region. Besides, instead of perceiving alliances in the bloc-or-forces dichotomy, Pakistan could forge issue-based multiplex, non-integrated relationships addressing today’s significant regional and international challenges – climate change, freshwater scarcity, and cyber threats. These alliances would allow Pakistan to develop cooperation with many nations in the context of common concerns instead of general geographical approaches. This can potentially widen Pakistan’s sphere of operation, as it can take the lead within specific themes without getting overly involved with the interests of the more enormous powers.

Strategic Autonomy in Defense Through Technological Innovation

Apart from decentralizing alliances, as defense and technology have become inseparable, receiving assistance from the U.S. and China affects Pakistan’s autonomy. This attitude from Trump could help change Pakistan’s reliance on Indigenous innovations in the matter of dates. Pakistan can build a modern, low-intensity, anti-hegemonic defense in cybersecurity, autonomous drones, and artificial intelligence-based surveillance. Pakistan’s specialization in certain specific domains of defense technology prepares the country for a nonaligned security niche in South Asia, free from reliance on superpowers. This autonomy through innovation increases the power of Pakistan in the region, which is an institution’s emphasis. It has an advantage in its relations with the U.S. and China, where it no longer depends solely on any of the two for military assistance. Developing such capabilities could be expensive yet help improve Pakistan’s strategic position in a high-tech age.

Strengthening Soft Power in a Transactional Diplomatic Era

Last but not least, most of the time, cultural and humanitarian issues are the least important in transactional diplomacy. That said, soft power is still crucial, yet only sometimes a prominent factor in international affairs. For Pakistan, this is the chance to narrow down sour political relations with the U.S. through cultural diplomacy, which makes the countries’ relations less likely to be directly affected by political tensions. Instead of concentrating on establishing formal relations with other countries, Pakistan may involve its overseas Pakistanis or do more programs related to cultural exhibitions and shows of Pakistani arts and history. Through educational exchanges, artistic projects, and cinema, Pakistan could present a friendly, multicultural and international approach. This soft power approach would bring a people to people contact between Pakistan and America, and also put a number to the growing prejudices in U.S.-Pakistan relations.

Conclusion

With Trump’s return to office, it is a unique time for Pakistan to reconsider her foreign policy with a forward view. The refashioning of Pakistan’s role in a fast-changing world starts with technological sovereignty, decentralized alliance, autonomous defense and amplifying soft power. This is not simply about responding to the immediate demands of a second Trump administration; it is about preparing for a future where national relevance depends on adaptability, independence, and proactive engagement. Pakistan stands at a crossroads, with an opportunity to craft a foreign policy that preserves its sovereignty and strengthens its influence in an increasingly complex global landscape.

The writer is a political science graduate from Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad.

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